Say what you will about Biden, but he has generally put human dignity at the center of his political vision. He treats people with charity and respect.
The contest between Biden and Trumpism is less Democrat versus Republican or liberal versus conservative than it is between an essentially moral vision and an essentially amoral one, a contest between decency and its opposit
The 98-year-old billionaire said that watching numerous “reputable” people support crypto both pains and depresses him, and that they’ve made a “huge mistake” by associating with such “scumball promotions.”
What we’ve witnessed in recent years is the popularization of street marches without a plan for what happens next and how to keep protesters engaged and integrated in the political process. It’s just the latest manifestation of the dangerous illusion that it is possible to have democracy without political parties—and that street protests based more on social media than sustained political organizing is the way to change society.
Such poses might look good on Twitter, where arguments are made 280 characters at a time, and where those who damn CNN are guaranteed a hundred retweets. But the job of journalism is to confront the world and its actors as they are, not shrink away from them in fright because covering them might benefit them.
We live in a golden age of male political endurance. It is a trait the 74-year-old Charles richly embodies: not merely longevity, but rather a kind of stubborn resilience that slowly heals political wounds and obscures personal shortcomings with the passage of time.
In America, we are surrounded by men who have defied the political actuarial tables and weathered hard years of ridicule to claim great power late in their lives. Chief among them are Joe Biden and Donald Trump, two old men who have been prematurely buried many times over by people who took them less seriously than they deserved.
But McConnell, true to form, is not letting emotion or his low view of Trump get in the way of the task at hand. The Senate GOP leader doesn’t talk about Trump in public, and does so little in private.
Here’s the thing about DeSantis: he does populism properly. He does it far more thoughtfully than Trump ever did. Many American voters knew Trump was a blunt instrument. But they were willing to wield him because they really wanted to make a point against the ancient regime of technocracy, paternalism and illiberalism. Voters made a pact with that buffoon in order to make it clear that they wanted political change, that they were sick and tired of being looked down upon by the Democratic establishment in particular as a problematic blob in constant need of correction and cancellation.
In government, there are numerous terms for rule-by-guy, most of which bring to mind repression, suffering, and cultishness — “I alone can fix it,” etc. But it’s a common enough way to run companies, which tend to be internally authoritarian. Plenty of businesses are clear and direct extensions of their founders’ or executives’ desires, whims, and flaws, although few operate at such a massive scale or under such a well-known figure.
Yet it is the measure of Queen Elizabeth II, the longest-reigning queen ever, that she will be remembered less for any of that than for playing her part so well, with such dignity and for so long.
Chief among them being ‘deference politics’: the moral authority and political astuteness ascribed to marginalised individuals found in rooms where power congregates. In its crudest form, deference politics demands that we solemnly listen to the marginalised and centre their concerns. For Táíwò, this is ‘supercharge[d] moral cowardice’, an ‘abdication of responsibility’ on the part of those too unwilling, too ridden with an almost psychosexual need for penance, to think and act for themselves.
Blair’s victory, and seeing two energetic young leaders standing side-by-side with obvious mutual respect, suddenly made plain how inadequate it was to view Clintonism as merely slick salesmanship and tactical improvisation. It was plainly something more — a set of ideas about how progressives should govern in a modern economy and an increasingly interconnected world.
They share a the basic worldview: that individualist liberal ideology, increasingly bureaucratic governments, and big tech are all combining into a world that is at once tyrannical, chaotic, and devoid of the systems of value and morality that give human life richness and meaning—as Blake Masters recently put it, a “dystopian hell-world.”
Donald Trump Is Shocking, Vulgar and Right
And, my dear fellow Republicans, he’s all your fault.
Evangelicals have given up trying to elect one of their own. What they’re looking for is a bodyguard, someone to shield them from mounting (and real) threats to their freedom of speech and worship. Trump fits that role nicely, better in fact than many church-going Republicans. For eight years, there was a born-again in the White House. How’d that work out for Christians, here and in Iraq?.
Then a subtle change occurred that was worse than the missed forecasts. We lost confidence in our ability to plan and control the business. We stopped believing that we could get the numbers to work. A dispassionate look at the numbers for the past three to five years would have revealed the trends to us.
Like other self-help figures, she overemphasizes the power of individuals to solve intractable issues. Yet she is rare in applying this ideology to the political sphere, particularly to promote progressive policy. In Williamson’s view, self-help can heal the whole body politic; what benefits one can and should be directed to benefit all.
The Earth’s resources are limited, but those limits are the limits of the Earth and the limits of our abilities. And there are no known limits to our abilities — we humans are not merely gatherers of a fixed supply of resources; we are discoverers and creators of a potentially unlimited supply of resources.